INSIGHT-India’s Wild East unprepared for new Myanmar
* Insurgencies, fear of China deters development
* Smuggling dominates trade on India-Myanmar border
* Area was meant to be bridge to Southeast Asia
*
By Satarupa Bhattacharjya and Frank Jack Daniel
MOREH, India, Feb 22 (Reuters) – As dusk falls on a
lonely police station in the eastern tip of India, a young
policeman nervously keeps an eye on the Arakan hills above him,
dotted with poppy fields.
Just 22 bumpy miles from the capital of India’s restive
Manipur state, he and his colleagues are outnumbered by gunmen
from a faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland,
one of half a dozen insurgent groups operating near India’s
border with Myanmar.
Last year, six policemen were killed a few miles
away in an ambush authorities blamed on them.
Small groups of men with machetes on their belts can be seen
in the winter twilight, openly climbing steep paths through the
poppy fields, where valuable seed heads will later be harvested
and taken to Myanmar for processing into heroin.
“There are many poppy fields in the hills here,” the
policeman said in a hushed voice, refusing to give his name to
Reuters for fear of reprisals from the men he said were armed
rebels patrolling the fields above his office. Growers will
either sell the seed heads to agents or openly in the local
market , he said.
Opium and insurgency can make for a profitable if exotic
business model, but it is not what India had in mind when it
launched its “Look East” policy 20 years ago to link its markets
to those of booming Southeast Asia.
Now as resource-rich Myanmar emerges from decades of
isolation under military rule, India should be a natural
partner, with ties stretching back to 3rd Century BC Buddhist
emperor Ashoka and, more recently, a shared experience of
British colonialism and World War Two.
BRIDGE TO SOUTHEAST ASIA
“Myanmar is India’s only bridge to Southeast Asia,” Myo
Myint, Myanmar’s deputy foreign minister, told Reuters last week
at a meeting of Southeast Asian diplomats in New Delhi to look
at ways to speed up road, rail and telecoms connections with
India. “India needs to come forward with assistance.”
Myanmar sits at Asia’s crossroads, sharing a western border
with India, and a northern one with China. Thailand is its
neighbour to the east and the Malacca Strait is on its southern
flank.
The country of nearly 60 million people has emerged from a
half-century of military rule and is courting the West while
trying to wean itself from dependency on China for trade and
investment. But despite a recent flurry of high-level visits
between the two countries, India appears ill-placed on the
ground to exploit Myanmar’s opening.
Reuters journalists on a recent trip to the Myanmar-India
border in Manipur found a region where rebel groups deeply
influence politics and business. Opium poppies are grown openly.
Cross-border gun-running remains big business.
Manipur and the three other Indian states sharing the 1,640-
km (1,020-mile) border with Myanmar were supposed to be India’s
“Gateway to the East”. Instead, the area has become India’s Wild
East.
Legal trade on the border has dwindled in the last five
years to just 0.15 percent of total commerce between Myanmar and
India. Checkpoints by security forces and rebel group supporters
make the 120 km (75 mile) journey along rutted Highway 102
through the hills from Manipur’s capital Imphal to Moreh on the
border a painstakingly slow — and expensive, too, from the
“taxes” they impose on traffic.
NO CRIME HERE
The sleepy border town of Moreh had dreams of being a major
international trading centre, a key station on the ambitious
Trans-Asia Railway that will enable containers from East and
Southeast Asia to travel overland across India to Europe.
But work on the $900 million, 125 km (77 mile) stretch of
the railway is already two years behind schedule and has only
progressed a short distance. Costs are soaring.
At first glance, Moreh seems to be a quiet bazaar of
traditional wooden stilt houses, frontier hotels and stores
where Myanmarese Buddhist monks and tribespeople in traditional
dress and sandal-paste painted faces mingle with traders from
across India.
The town of 15,000 people has one bank.
“There is no crime here,” acting police chief Akbar Hussein
said, chewing on a lump of betel nut at his outdoor desk. “There
was only one case registered this month, and that was a road
accident.”
Opened in 1995 to great fanfare, the Moreh crossing was
supposed to be a major trading post by now. Only some
small-scale merchants conduct legal trade. Much of that is on a
barter system, exchanging flour and soy products for betel, a
mild stimulant popular in India.
Despite the police chief’s boast, Moreh is a major smuggling
centre where outlaws move around freely. Heroin from the Golden
Triangle, guns and gem stones go westward; raw opium, tiger
bones and rhino horn move east.
“Since 1995, nothing substantial has taken place. The border
area is like a 17th-century tribal village,” said N. Mohindro,
an expert on trade in the state. “It’s all about drugs and guns.
People can make money so easily.”
Some of this business is in the hands of Indian insurgents
who run their operations from the Myanmar side of the border.
Several of Myanmar’s own rebel groups are also based in the
area.
A U.S. diplomatic cable from 2006 released by Wikileaks
described local politicians either in league with the rebels or
supporting them for financial reasons.
Local residents say security forces are also deeply involved
in trafficking but a senior officer of the police intelligence
branch in Imphal denies that.
“The dense forest cover in this open border region is a
nightmare for us,” the officer said,” the officer said of an
unfenced 63 mile stretch running from Moreh, adding that “the
easy availability of weapons inside Myanmar has worsened the
situation”.
IMAGINARY ROAD
It wasn’t always this way. Until the early 1990s, Myanmarese
flocked across the border to buy Indian-made consumer goods. But
as China’s workshops cranked up and offered cheaper, more
durable products, the market shifted to the other side of the
fence.
Now, traders from Manipur’s capital Imphal endure the
serpentine journey along bumpy Highway 102 and its checkpoint
shakedowns to visit the Namphalong bazaar on the Myanmar side of
the Moreh border gate.
Their pick-up trucks are piled high with Chinese mattresses,
refrigerators and TVs to sell back in India, returning along the
same road that brought Japanese troops in World War Two through
then Burma in an attempt to invade India. The trip from the
border to Imphal carrying such contraband can involve payoffs
along the way amounting to several hundred dollars.
Highway 102 was supposed to be part of a road network
linking up with Mandalay, Myanmar’s main city in the North, and
on into Thailand. But the only notable improvement on the Indian
side is a short patch running through the Manipur chief
minister’s home town.
“People had plans to open eateries, motels and shops along
the Asian highway. Now, the trans-national road is imaginary. It
does not exist here,” said Lunminthang Haokip, a senior state
government official for Moreh’s Chandel district. “The Look East
policy is no more than power-point presentations in Delhi.”
The complaint is voiced often here by residents in Manipur
who have suffered decades of rights abuses under draconian
emergency powers including “shoot-to-kill” orders aimed at
curtailing the insurgencies. Residents say New Delhi acts like a
colonial power, with much of its mistrust of the region stemming
from its relative proximity to China.
“The overwhelming presence of military, paramilitary and
police officers contributed to the impression that Imphal was
under military occupation,” the U.S. embassy cable said. “The
Indian civil servants were also clearly frustrated with their
inability to stem the growing violence and anarchy in the state,
feeling their efforts to effectively control the insurgencies
was hamstrung by local politicians either in league with or at
least through corruption, helping to finance the insurgents.”
India, which fought a border war in 1962 with China, has
watched with mounting concern as Beijing steadily increases its
influence around the rim of the Indian Ocean.
“You can’t leave the whole region under an iron curtain just
because they look Chinese,” said rights activist Babloo
Loitongbam, in a restaurant left dark by one of the chronic
power cuts in Imphal. “You have to constantly prove you are not
anti-national.
Ten years ago India’s foreign minister proposed reopening a
World War Two highway to the north of Manipur called the
Stilwell Road, which connects India’s far eastern region, known
as the Northeast, with Myanmar and China.
Worried that the road risked strengthening China’s influence
and the flow of militants and arms to the region, India dragged
its feet and Myanmar turned to China’s Yunnan Construction
Engineering Group instead. India also missed out on the natural
gas from two fields in Myanmar it has a stake in, when the
government chose to pipe it to China.
During long years of self-imposed isolation, Myanmar’s only
major economic partner was China. India realised in the 1990s
that Chinese investment in Myanmar’s military and infrastructure
was giving Beijing a strategic advantage in a nation that
borders five countries, straddles busy Bay of Bengal shipping
lanes and has large oil and gas reserves.
New Delhi quietly dropped its backing for the opposition
party of Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who went to
school and university in India.
Ties have strengthened since then, with President Thein Sein
just the latest of Myanmar’s leaders to call on New Delhi on a
visit to India last year.
Rajiv Bhatia, who was India’s ambassador to Myanmar until
2005. says India is still more concerned with its South Asian
neighbours, including Bangladesh and Pakistan, and could miss
the moment.
“In pure geopolitical terms, Myanmar is hugely important to
India. We are now getting a historic opportunity to recover our
relationship,” he said. ” But it is still not a
priority for our politicians.”
(Editing by John Chalmers and Bill Tarrant)


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